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Суд в Киеве арестовал Коломойского на два месяца – DW – 02.09.2023 … Grosberg: Ukraina on pannud lõunarindel Vene väed surve alla … Elon Musk’s erosion of safety standards at X is helping Putin spread Russian propaganda, study finds … A Brutal Path Forward, Village by Village posted at 15:41:11 UTC via nytimes.com


Суд в Киеве арестовал Коломойского на два месяца – DW – 02.09.2023

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Шевченковский районный суд Киева избрал меру пресечения бизнесмену Игорю Коломойскому в виде содержания под стражей сроком 60 дней. Такое решение вынесено в субботу, 2 сентября. Ранее в тот же день Служба безопасности Украины (СБУ) объявила о подозрении по фактам предполагаемого мошенничества и легализации имущества, полученного преступным путем.

Суд также назначил возможность внесения залога в размере около 510 млн гривен (почти 13 млн евро). Коломойский присутствовал на заседании суда, который по просьбе его адвоката прошел в закрытом режиме. В то же время решение о мере пресечения было зачитано публично. Ранее СБУ опубликовала фотографии с силовиками, которые пришли к украинскому олигарху.

По версии следствия, Коломойский с 2013 по 2020 год легализовал более полумиллиарда гривен “путем их вывода за границу, используя при этом инфраструктуру подконтрольных банковских учреждений”. В офисе генпрокурора Украины уточнили, не называя подозреваемого по имени, что речь идет о сумме более чем в 570 млн гривен (более 14 млн евро).

Предполагаемые махинации Коломойского

Сотрудники Бюро экономической безопасности провели обыск у Коломойского 1 февраля. Украинские СМИ тогда сообщали, что это связано с расследованием предполагаемых махинаций вокруг компаний “Укрнафта” и “Укртатнафта”. Речь шла о предполагаемой растрате нефтепродуктов на 40 млрд гривен (почти один млрд евро) и уклонении от уплаты таможенных пошлин. Бизнесмена обыскивали по делу “Укрнафты” и в сентябре 2022 года.

Игорь Коломойский являлся совладельцем обеих компаний, но в ноябре 2022 года они были национализированы. После национализации Коломойский перестал быть долларовым миллиардером. 

Grosberg: Ukraina on pannud lõunarindel Vene väed surve alla

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Ukraina relvajõudude edasiliikumine on küll aeglane, aga nende tegevus on olnud läbimõeldud ja metoodiiline ning on sellega pannud Vene üksused surve alla, rääkis kolonel Grosberg kaitseministeeriumis toimunud iganädalasel pressikonverentsil.

Tema sõnul on viimase nädala kuni pooleteise jooksul lahingute raskuspunkt olnud Zaporižžja oblastis, Robotõne ja Verbove suunal. Ukraina väed on jõudnud niinimetatud Surovikini kaitseliini esimese kaevikuliinini ja vähemalt ühes kohas ka sellest läbi murdnud, jõudes Verbove lääneküljele, rääkis kolonel.

Seal on lahingud olnud kõige intensiivsemad ning Venemaa raskusi näitab ka see, et nad on olnud sunnitud sinna mujalt üksusi juurde tooma, ütles Grosberg. Ta tõi näiteks Pihkva õhudessantdiviisi üksused, mis toodi ära Bahmuti alt, samuti on üksusi võetud Lõmanist.

“See tegevus näitab päris suurete riskide võtmist Venemaa poolt, mis annab tunnistust, et tema reservid on piiratud, neid pole enam palju järele jäänud,” tõdes Grosberg.

Ukraina sõjaväejuhid on ka öelnud, et nende sõjalisele edule on olnud suureks abiks Ukraina suurtükiväe võimekuse paranemine, see on saanud Venemaa omaga võrdseks või isegi paremaks, ütles Grosberg. Tänu sellele on on Ukraina üksused suutnud Venemaa suurtükiüksused tõrjuda rindest sellisele kaugusele, kust nad ei saa enam oma üksusi tulega toetada. Eriti edukas on olnud alates juulist käinud Vene suurtükiradarite vastane tegevus, mis on neid tugevalt kahjustatud, märkis kolonel.

Grosbergi sõnul on muudes piirkondades Ukraina jätkuläbimurre läinud raskemalt, taktikalise edu saavutamine Orihhivi juures on keeruline, mis tähendab, et Aasovi mereni on Ukraina üksustel veel väga pikk maa minna.

Svjatove ja Kreminna juures on olukord sama nagu viimased kuud – kumbki pool pole edu saavutanud, Velika Novosilka juures peavad vastaspooled aga ainult suurtükiväe duelli, jalaväge kasutatakse lahingutes vähe.

Kommenteerides ööl vastu kolmapäeva toimunud õhurünnakut Venemaa Pihkva lennuväljale, milles hävitati kaks ja sai kahjustada veel kaks transpordilennukit Il-76, ütles Grosberg, et seni pole teada, millega seda tehti.

Venemaa transpordilennuvägi ja Pihkva lennuväli on Venemaa jaoks sõjategevuse intensiivseks jätkamiseks Ukrainas oluline, aga paraku nende lennukite kaotusel otsest mõju sõjale ei ole, tõdes kaitseväe luureülem.

Küll aga tähendab selline rünnak, et Ukraina surub rindejoone Venemaa jaoks järjest pikemaks, mis muudab sõjapidamise Vene vägedele keerulisemaks, kuna peab tegelema korraga üha rohkemate asjadega.

Lisaks viitas Grosberg Ukraina presidendi Volodõmõr Zelenski teatele, et Ukraina relvatööstus on saanud valmis kaugmaaraketi loomisega, mis annab neile lisavõimalusi vaenlase ründamiseks, sealhulgas ka Venemaa tagalas. Zelenski sõnul ei ole Krimmis enam ühtegi piirkonda, mis võik end turvaliselt tunda, rõhutas kolonel.

Puudutades Valgevenes alanud Kollektiivse Julgeolekulepingu Organisatsiooni (KJLO), millesse kuuluvad Venemaa, Kasahstan, Armeenia, Kõrgõzstan, Tadžikistan ja Valgevene, ühisõppusi, rõhutas Grosberg, et eripärane on küll see, et selle organisatsiooni kõik viis õppust peetakse ühel aastal Valgevenes ning need toimuvad ka riigi lääneosas, aga vahetut ohtu need Poolale ega Leedule ei kujuta.

Elon Musk’s erosion of safety standards at X is helping Putin spread Russian propaganda, study finds

Changes made by Elon Musk to X’s safety policies have played a key role in increasing the reach of Russian propaganda, according to a study released by the European Commission.

“Preliminary analysis suggests that the reach and influence of Kremlin-backed accounts has grown further in the first half of 2023, driven in particular by the dismantling of Twitter’s safety standards,” the year-long study carried out by the nonprofit analysis group Reset concluded.

Prior to Musk’s takeover of X, formerly Twitter, the company had a policy of labelling and de-amplifying Kremlin-affiliated accounts in an effort to encourage transparency and minimise the reach of propaganda. “We will no longer amplify state-affiliated media accounts or their Tweets through our recommendation systems,” Twitter said in a 2020 blog post.

However, as Musk continued to overhaul the social media platform, this policy was dropped in April.

Last month, the NATO Strategic Communications Center of Excellence also accused Musk’s changes of prompting a “dramatic rise in the Kremlin’s visibility on Twitter”.

Europe has taken a much tougher line on disinformation than the US. The Digital Services Act that took effect last month requires major tech companies to actively tackle risks relating to child safety, harassment, illegal content, and threats to electoral processes or risk significant fines.

The EU study found that X’s failure to tackle the spread of disinformation would have violated these rules had they been in effect last year.

Even social media companies that have been more cooperative than Musk in attempting to limit propaganda are failing. The research found that efforts by the likes of Telegram and Meta, which owns Instagram and Facebook, were largely ineffective in limiting Russian disinformation campaigns.

“Over the course of 2022, the audience and reach of Kremlin-aligned social media accounts increased substantially all over Europe,” the report states. Overt Kremlin-backed accounts that are not blocked in the EU have at least 165 million subscribers and were viewed at least 16 billion times in 2022.

X did not immediately reply to a request for comment from Insider, made outside normal working hours.

A Brutal Path Forward, Village by Village

A howitzer partially hidden by brush fires with a blast of flame and smoke, and two Ukrainian soldiers operating it crouch down, one covering his ears.

Ukrainian soldiers fire a howitzer at targets in the direction of Bakhmut on the eastern front line on Monday.

As Ukraine pushes slowly forward in its counteroffensive, it’s relying heavily on the effort of hundreds of small-scale assault groups, each tasked with attacking a single trench, tree line or house.

Ukrainian soldiers fire a howitzer at targets in the direction of Bakhmut on the eastern front line on Monday.Credit…

Marc SantoraTyler Hicks

By Marc Santora

Photographs by Tyler Hicks

  • Sept. 2, 2023Updated 5:04 a.m. ET

The mission for the Ukrainian unit was to take a single house, in a village that is only a speck on the map but was serving as a stronghold for Russian soldiers.

Andriy, a veteran marine, had waited for three days with his small assault team — none of whom had seen combat before — as other Ukrainian units crawled through minefields, stormed trenches and cleared a path to the farming village of Urozhaine. Finally, one day last month, the order came to move.

They raced to a predetermined location in an armored personnel carrier, and disembarked as explosions and gunfire rattled the ground beneath their feet, Andriy and members of his unit said. Driving out or killing the remaining Russians, they secured the house as night fell, posting guards and reviewing the day’s tactics to see how they might improve.

In the morning, the new order came: Take another house.

The monthslong campaign to breach heavily fortified Russian lines is being conducted in many domains and in many forms of battle, with artillery duels and drone strikes across the breadth of the front in southern Ukraine. But the engine driving the effort are hundreds of small-scale assault groups, often just eight to 10 soldiers, each tasked with attacking a single trench, tree line or house.

In this tactical approach, small villages loom large. They line paved roads, facilitating transport, and the buildings, even those ravaged by shelling, provide a measure of cover. The Russians are using them as strongholds; Urozhaine, for instance, was ringed by two trench lines and a maze of tunnels that allowed Russian troops to shoot in one location, then pop up somewhere else.

ImageIn a training exercise, a Ukrainian soldier peers through a doorway in a gutted building, while in the background another soldier crouches, holding a rifle.

Ukrainian marines practice house-to-house combat during training exercises in the region of Vuhledar in August.

A Ukrainian soldier at an artillery position in the Bakhmut region.

It’s a hard way to fight a war — village by village, house by house — with no guarantee of success. Once taken and secured, however, the surviving Russian fortifications provide a base for the Ukrainians to plot their next move forward.

This has been the pattern for Ukraine as it tries to move along two north-south routes toward the Sea of Azov, looking for a place to break through and sever the so-called land bridge between Russia and occupied Crimea.

To the West, Ukrainian forces have been pushing on the path that leads toward Melitopol; having secured the key village of Robotyne, they were fighting fiercely this week at the village of Verbove, the next step in the advance. On Friday, the Ukrainian military said it had pushed three and a half miles beyond Robotyne, and John Kirby, the White House National Security Council spokesman, said Ukraine had made “notable progress” in the preceding 72 hours.

Urozhaine lies on a route farther east, along a small rural road that leads to Mariupol on the southern coast.

The battle over the village would last nine days, with the Russians finally retreating on Aug. 19 under a hail of Ukrainian artillery fire. It was a small but necessary step. As with Robotyne, securing it meant Ukraine’s forces had broken through the Russians’ first layer of defenses. Just as importantly, they have now held it for two weeks.

There are still some 60 miles of hard road ahead for the Ukrainians before they can reach the coast, and at least one more heavily fortified Russian defensive line in their way. The Russians are resisting fiercely, protected by entrenched positions, minefields and air superiority. The marines expect the fight to be bloody and slow.

“Russians have more artillery, more tanks, more drones, and more people,” said a veteran marine named Denis. “And they also fortify very well — whenever they get to somewhere — be it a settlement, a forest belt, or just a field.”

Ukrainian Marines during training exercises in the south. There are many newly trained recruits joining the war effort.
A Marine runs during training exercises. The path forward on the counteroffensive has been grueling.

The Ukrainians allowed a team from The New York Times to visit marines fighting on the road to Mariupol on multiple occasions over two weeks in August, on the condition that the journalists not reveal precise locations, soldiers’ full names and ranks, and certain operational details.

Daily success is measured in yards rather than miles. But dozens of these assaults have been raging daily for weeks and, taken together, they are adding up to gains that Ukraine says will pose increasing problems for overstretched Russian forces.

In more than a dozen interviews in recent days, troops engaged in combat voiced great confidence that they can break the Russian lines.

“After the first and the second lines there will be the straight way toward the sea, no more fortifications,” said Maksym, another veteran marine who fought in Urozhaine. “We will move like rockets.”

The marines are fighting on a line that runs south along the T0158, a rural road that winds its way through the Mokri Yali River Valley, where Ukrainians have retaken a series of villages since launching their counteroffensive in June. The next major assault target is Staromlynivka, about 12 miles from where the campaign began.

The Russians are racing in reinforcements to try and stop the advance, Ukrainian soldiers said.

Their description of the battle at Urozhaine was supported by unedited Ukrainian drone footage viewed by The Times. Key details also corresponded with accounts posted on social media by Russian soldiers and bloggers.

Ukrainian soldiers with a resupply of artillery for their 122-millimeter howitzer in the Bakhmut region.
Ukrainian soldier looking for a drone overhead that they can hear.

Before attacking Russians in a village, Ukrainians fight to control the elevated positions on the flanks, hoping to make the Russian positions untenable and limit the house-to-house fighting.

Each settlement presents many of the same challenges, so the marines map out each assault and drill as much as they can before launching an attack.

“The most important thing is to hold the first street,” Denis said. “Then we send an additional drone that looks at each building. Our soldiers are divided into two groups: the fire group and the maneuver group. The fire group shoots Russians hiding on different floors of the building and then the maneuver group clears it. This is how we move house after house.”

If the assault fails, he said, they call in artillery strikes and destroy the house.

The Russians are also adapting, the marines said, including using new tactics to make the already treacherous minefields even more lethal.

They will lace a pasture filled with mines with a flammable agent, for instance. Once the Ukrainians get to work clearing an opening, the Russians will drop a grenade from a drone, igniting a sea of fire and explosions.

The mining makes control over paved roads essential; they are the safest routes because mines are easier to spot and remove. The Russians know this and have set up defenses along the T0158, with concrete bunkers for machine gunners. Russian drones keep the roads under constant surveillance.

As Denis spoke a few miles from the line of contact, a unit was practicing an assault on a house. There is no shortage of battered buildings to run such drills, so they move locations often.

Ukrainian marines during exercises. The military does not have the luxury of a lot of time for training.
Marines of the Ukrainian Armed Forces during training exercises in the region of Vuhledar.

But Russian drones picked up the gathering of soldiers and fired rockets at them. The soldiers heard the whistle of the incoming rockets and had seconds to dive for cover. They scattered as the Russians unleashed another salvo. A hail of rockets crashed around the marines, but no one was injured.

A few days later, another group was preparing for their next assault along the road to Mariupol. They were among a recent influx of Marines who had completed training in Britain but had yet to experience combat.

A trainer named Vasyl, 53, was running the drills, barking orders as the new soldiers fired live rounds and rocket-propelled grenades for the first time. Time is a luxury they do not have as battles rage, he said, “so we do our best to get them ready as soon as possible.”

A key part of forming a successful assault unit, the soldiers said, was finding the most motivated recruits willing to race into a cauldron of destruction.

Like other Ukrainian outfits, the marines are composed of a mix of career fighters, volunteers and mobilized conscripts. About 70 percent come from the local area — including the occupied city of Mariupol — and soldiers believe that gives them a distinct advantage over an enemy they view as fighting for a paycheck, and holding positions out of fear of punishment for retreating.

As experienced soldiers, Andriy and Maksym, both 35, guided the new recruits.

“Of course we had some losses, not within our platoon, but within the brigade,” Maksym said. “It’s war, you know.”

Still, the marines achieved their objective in Urozhaine and were one small step closer to the sea.

“It’s also important for self-confidence and motivation,” Maksym said. “Many of the guys were new, it was their first fight. And now they know how it is.”

Marines practice carrying a wounded comrade during training exercises in the region of Vuhledar.

Gaëlle Girbes and Dimitry Yatsenko contributed reporting from the front line.

Marc Santora has been reporting from Ukraine since the beginning of the war with Russia. He was previously based in London as an international news editor focused on breaking news events and earlier the bureau chief for East and Central Europe, based in Warsaw. He has also reported extensively from Iraq and Africa. More about Marc Santora

Tyler Hicks is a senior photographer for The Times. In 2014, he won the Pulitzer Prize for Breaking News Photography for his coverage of the Westgate Mall massacre in Nairobi, Kenya. More about Tyler Hicks